The assault on the Coptic residents of the village of Bemha, Al-Ayat, Giza, on 11 May 2007 is the latest incident in a long series that goes back to the seventies of the last century, when the Holy Bible Publishing House (Dar al-kitab al-moqadas) in Al-Khanka neighbourhood was attacked and set on fire. Since Al-Khanka incident,which took place on 6 Nov. 1972, the Copts have been at the receiving end of attacks that number in the hundreds and vary in magnitude from minor harassments to major vicious assaults, with no end in sight.
The perpetuation of oppression is blamed on a multitude of factors that work together to feed the fires of violence, some related to societal issues, and others to the institutions of the State and its executive, legislative and judicial powers. A sequence of events – where each act compliments the other – usually begins with an account that describes the incident or the attack perpetrated against the Copts, and ends with a court ruling that encourages, rather then abates, the perpetuation of this criminal behaviour. In between the beginning and the end of this vicious cycle, there are shameful transgressions that bring to the surface the strong undercurrents of injustice, discrimination and oppression.
I. Incident Description
There is no ambiguity about the nature of the incidents in question, starting with Al-Khanka, and ending with the most recent incident in Al-Ayat, they all fall under a distinct category: hostile attacks against non-violent citizens and criminal offences that are, essentially, an assault on the law and on social peace.
However, for more then three decades, the Egyptian media’s portrayal of those incidents was tainted by deliberate ambiguity and deception, taking the form of adamant denials in some cases, total disregard in others, and worst of all, deceit and unscrupulous lies. The denial champions are adamant that there are no prejudices against the Copts, hence no problem to be addressed; the incident is portrayed as an isolated case and fully blamed on a mentally unstable individual. The government-owned media mostly ignored the issue, and either refrained from mentioning the incident altogether, or at best treated it as insignificant news that only merits a few lines in the back page. A misleading and confusing coverage was the norm for many outlets, giving a muddled account that leaves the reader unable to tell who was the aggressor and who was the victim, and brandishing clichés such as sectarian strife, quarrels, sectarian clashes or disputes between Muslims and Copts, or the pointless “an unfortunate incident”; the expressions were chosen knowingly to convey a misleading image of the attack, assigning equal blame to both parties, and ignoring the fact that Copts are a minority and hold little power in face of the overwhelming Muslim majority. Some media outlets sunk as low as spreading despicable lies, claiming that the Copts provoke the Muslim majority, and blaming the extremists on both sides, since according to their twisted logic, the Copts who object to an injustice are counted among the extremists!!
The serious resolution of a conflict requires, at the very least, a correct identification and accurate description of the problem, to be carried out on the legal, social, security and informative levels. Sadly, the attacks on the Copts were deliberately misrepresented to give false, misleading impressions, and the media’s portrayal could only be described as dishonest, unprofessional, biased and unpatriotic.
II. Friday’s Scenario
In his antagonistic book “The National Group, Isolation and Integration,” Counsellor Tariq al-Bishri mentioned that “the Egyptian Muslim receives his religious education publicly whether in schools or mosques …. But we do not know what is being said about Islam and Muslims in the churches, or what is said about the Arabs and Arab nationalism, for example”.
The answer can be found in the dozens of attacks against the Copts which took place on a Friday and followed an almost identical scenario: a rumour is spread, a leaflet is circulated among the crowds calling them to Jihad, and speaking of the triumph of Islam and Muslims and the due punishment of infidels,. The crowds who listen to the fiery sermons of the Friday Prayers are incited to hatred and violence, and pushed to the edge, they rush out of worship places to engage in a mad round of killing, pillage, and destruction, preying on peaceful citizens. The angry crowds may include hundreds and sometimes even thousands as was the case in October 2005, in Alexandria. Ironically, at the conclusion of such incidents we get to listen to the rabble-rousers, who called for Jihad at the top of their voices, as they now lament the “sedition” and curse those who stirred it!! Meanwhile, the Copts continue to mourn their losses, as they wait fearfully for the next attack.
The following incidents have followed this dreadful Friday scenario:
• Friday September 8, 1972: Following Friday’s Prayer, the rabble set on fire the building of the Orthodox Association (Al-Nahda) in Damanhur, Beheira.
• Friday March 2, 1990: the rabble engaged in an extensive round of killing, burning, and pillage in Abu-korkas city, al-Menia governorate, where they set dozens of houses, shops, pharmacies and cars on fire, in addition to torching the ”Christian Youth” Association, the “Salvation of Souls” society (Khalas al-nefous) and the Catholic church of St. George in Beni-ebeid, Abu-korkas.
• Friday March 11, 1999: Copts in Alexandria were attacked with machine guns, resulting in the death of Reverend Shenouda Hanna Awad, the reverend’s wife, Dr. Kamal Rushdi, Mr. Alfons Rushdi, Mr. Sami Abdu, Mr. Botros Bishay, and the child Michael Sabri.
• Friday March 16, 1990: an explosive device was thrown at St. Mary Church in Ain-shams, Cairo.
• Friday September 20, 1991: Assailants armed with swords and clubs freely pillaged, destroyed and plundered Christian-owned residences, shops and pharmacies in Al-Munira Al-Gharbia in Imbaba district, Cairo.
• Friday June 19, 1992: Extremists in the village of Sanbu, Dairut, went on a rampage, killing 3 Copts and destroying 64 houses and shops owned by Copts, eight shops were burned to the ground.
• Friday October 16, 1992: Extremists charged into Coptic properties in the city of Tama, in Sohag governorate, and for the duration of three hours proceeded to destroy and plunder those properties, murdering 2 Copts, and burning a church to the ground.
• Friday March 5, 1993: Al-Kussia assault that cost Coptic lives and properties.
• Friday March 5: 1993: Extremists murdered Adel Boshra – a Coptic citizen who resided in the village of Mir, Assiut governorate –on his way home from church.
• Friday March 11, 1994: Extremists committed a massacre outside the monastery of Al-Muharraq in Assiut governorate, killing two monks and three Christian guests.
• Friday February 3, 1997: after the Friday Prayer, a rabble attacked Coptic citizens in the village of Manafis, in Abu-korkas, Menia governorate, destroying and plundering their properties.
• Friday February 14, 1997: Extremists murdered three Copts in the village of Kom al-Zaheir, Abu-korkas.
• Friday March 7, 1997: After the Friday Prayer, a rabble attacked a church in the Temsaheya village, in Assiut governorate, they tore down the Cross raised on the church façade and then turned their attention to Christian – owned homes and shops causing severe damages to both.
• Friday August 14, 1998: Extremists murdered two Copts in al-Kosheh village, in Sohag governorate, the Copts were later accused of torturing and killing them, and the conclusion of the incident is well-known.
• Friday December 31, 1999: al-Kosheh horrific attack started on that day and went on for 3 days, ending on January 2, 2000, spreading terror in the village, and resulting in the death of 21 Copts and the utter destruction of dozens of Christian-owned houses and shops.
• Friday November 7, 2003: A rabble attacked Christian – owned shops and properties in Gerza village, Al-Ayat, 13 homes were looted and destroyed and 5 people were injured during the attack.
• Friday December 3, 2004: A rabble in Manqateen village, in Menia governorate burned and destroyed the Coptic Church and threatened the lives and properties of Coptic citizens.
• Friday October 14, 2005 and October 21, 2005: a rioting crowd made up of thousands of angry Muslims marched on St. George church in Moharam Bek district, Alexandria, and went on to attack Christian – owned homes and shops and spread terror among the Christians in Alexandria.
• Friday April 16, 2006: An extremist or a group of extremists, armed with swords, attacked 4 churches in Alexandria, a Coptic citizen fell victim to this terrorist attack and 5 others were injured.
• Friday Mary 11, 2007: After the Friday Prayer, extremists attacked Christian – owned homes and shops in Bamha village, Al-Ayat district. According to Reuters News Agency, 27 homes and shops were set on fire, resulting in the incineration of 10 homes and 2 shops. Reuters also reported that in February 2007, a number of Christian–owned shops were set on fire in the Southern region of Egypt as a result of a rumoured love story between a Muslim girl and a Christian young man. The Egyptian newspaper Al-Masri Al-Yom reported that the accused used Kerosene to set on fire 25 homes and 5 shops owned by Christians, and attacked their victims with clubs, white weapons and rocks.
Besides the above-mentioned attacks, we can cite examples of similar incidents that took place on days other then Friday; more often than not those attacks happened on a Sunday or during special Coptic occasions and celebrations:
(Mannshaa Dalw – Kalyoubia, August 1978), (Al-Tawfiqia – Samalut, September 1978), (Ismailia, July 1980), (Al-Zawia, Al-hamra – Cairo, June 1981), (Abu-korkas, 1989, February 1990, March 1990), (Ain-shams – Cairo, March 1990), (Sanhur – Fayoum, April 1990), (Menia Al-Qamh – Sharkia, April 1990), (Manfalout – Assiut, April 1990), (Al-Nubaria, May 1990), (Hosh Eissa – Beheira, 1991), (Imbaba – Cairo, September 1991), (Sanabu and Deirut – Assiut, March 1992), (Dairut – Assiut, May 1992), (Sanabu – Assiut, June 1992), (Tema – Sohag, October 1992), (Assiut City, February, 1993), (Al-Kussia – Assiut, March 1993), (Al-Muharraq Monastery, Assiut, March, 1994), (Mir – Assiut, October 1994), (Kafr Demian – Sharkia, February 1996), (Al-Badari – Assiut, February 1996), (Al-Azab monastery – Fayoum, April 1996), (Tahta – Sohag, August 1996), (Al-Fekreya, Abu-korkas, February 1997), (Al-Temsaheya – Assiut, March 1997), (ezbet Kamel Takla, Bahgoura – Nagah Hamadi, March 1997), (Taha Al-Ameda – Menia, August 1998), (Abu Tig – Assiut, November 1998), (Al-Kosheh – Sohag, August 1998 and January 2000), (Kasr Rashwan – Fayoum, August 2000), (Beni walams – Maghagha, February 2002), (Manqateen – Samalut, December 2004), (Demshaw – Menia, January 2005), (Telwana, Al-Bagour – Menoufia, April 2005), (Al-edr – Assiut, May 2005), (Kafr Salama – Sharkia, December 2005), (al-Udaysaat – Qena, January 2006) (ezbet Wassef Ghali – Al-Ayat, February 2006), (Alexandria, May 199 0, October 2005 and April 2006), (Bemha – Al-Ayat, May 2007).
According to Ibn Khaldun’s annual report, more then 120 violent sectarian incidents took place during the period spanning from Al-Khanka incident on 6 Nov. 1972 to the Alexandria incident on 21 Oct., 2005. The incidents in question resulted in the death of Coptic citizens and required an extensive security intervention. Furthermore, hundreds of minor incidents took place during that same period, and they have either failed to attract the media’s attention or were purposefully ignored. In a previous study, I deduced that more then 4000 Copts have either lost their lives or were injured as a result of attacks carried out by Muslim extremists; the damages inflicted on their properties would amount to millions of Dollars, in addition to the untold damage done by the atmosphere of terror that compelled many Copts to seek a way out of their homeland.
III. The Security Approach
The prevention of crime and protection of public properties is the basic mission assigned to public security services, and the overall success or failure of security forces is tied to their ability to carry out this mission. Yet, I will neither discuss the security forces’ competence, nor examine the machinations and the cover-up that could be interpreted as indirect complicity in the attacks against the Copts, nor will I question the aggressive security campaigns that have targeted Christian places of worship in Botmas, Shubra Al-Khima, Assiut, Samalut, the monastery of Anba Antonius, and others. However, I will point at the minimum level acceptable, which is to give a truthful account of the incident and make an unbiased, honest and accurate police report. It is regrettable that, for the past three decades, we have not been able to obtain a single police report that meets this minimal requirement. The claims made in the last statement issued by the Ministry of Interior regarding the Bamha incident are proof enough of that failing: the statement indicated that only three Christian-owned homes were set on fire and only three Copts have suffered minor injuries!! This statement follows the pattern set by al-Nabawi Isamil at the time of the incident in Al-Zawia Al-hamra, as well as the role played by police forces in Al-Kosheh, Kafr Demian, Al-Udaysaat and Samalut. The tragic incidents usually end with the police forces detaining a number of Copt citizens in a bid to force them to accept a nominal reconciliation and give up not only their legal rights and their right to obtain a just compensation, but also the State’s right to thwart crimes and the society’s right to security and peace.
IV. The Legal Deterrence
The latest incident took place in the village Bemha, Al-Ayat on Friday 11 May, 2007; on the following day, the accused in the assault that took place in Al-Udaysaat on 17 Jan. 2006, were found innocent by the court and were cleared of all charges. The attack took the life of a Coptic citizen, a Coptic child died out of sheer terror, many were injured and several properties were set on fire and destroyed, so who did commit those atrocious acts? Did the Copts take their own lives and destroy their own properties? What message does the Judiciary wish to send in this particular timing, in parallel to Al-Ayat incident?
In each case, the Copts have been able to identify the suspects and to state specific charges. It is not surprising that they recognized the instigator(s) of the attack and those who did the killing, burning and pillage, after all, those assailants did not suddenly land from Mars, they happen to be their neighbours and fellow countrymen. I have dozens of names of suspects that were positively identified by the Copts and reported to the authorities, but, nonetheless, the verdicts always seem to encourage the criminal violence against the Copts.
I have monitored the court rulings in assault cases against the Copts in between 1970 and 2007, and noticed that there was not a single death penalty despite the fact that hundred of Copts were killed in those few decades, and that the assaults on tourists and policemen have warranted a death penalty in many instances, and many cases were transferred to the military courts which issued swift and severe verdicts.
The courts have issued verdicts that forbid a Christian citizen, who has renounced his faith under pressures, from converting back to Christianity, and accuse him of apostasy, even though there is no apostasy law in effect to serve as a legal basis for this ruling. Other courts seek the advice of Sheikh Al-Azhar in legal matters, while in other cases, the judge suddenly turns into a lawmaker, creating a legal precept and making a judgement based on this new percept, or he takes the mantle of a social reformer in order to give the accused a way out of punishment…So, pray tell, where can the Copts find justice?
V. The People’s Assembly
Prior to the war of October, the People’s Assembly formed a fact-finding committee, under Dr. Gamal Al-Oteify, to investigate Al-Khanka incident that took place on 6 Nov. 1972. The committee issued a balanced report and significant recommendations that were never implemented. Unfortunately, it turned out that the investigation and the report were just a necessary calming measure in preparation for the war to come. In the aftermath of the Alexandria incident in October 2005, the People’s Assembly formed another fact-finding committee, however the committee has yet to start its work, and I think it is safe to say that the issue has been dropped. In 1998, Counsellor Mohamed al-Gewili presented the draft of a unified law for the construction of worship places, and nine years later, the project remains shelved despite the fact that this particular law will help reduce the violence against Christians, since a good number of the attacks on Coptic churches were supposedly triggered by the lack of a construction permit. It makes one wonder why the project is dismissed even as the People’s assembly finds it possible to discuss and issue new laws within a few hours, when so desired. For more then 25 years, the People’s Assembly has been steadfast in its refusal to discuss the project of a common Personal Status Law for Christians of all denominations, which was reintroduced in 1998. It categorically refuses to issue an anti-discrimination law to incriminate acts of discrimination on religious grounds; in the last constitutional amendments it has also rejected the addition of a constitutional article to incriminate discrimination in all its forms, whether on the basis of religion, ethnicity or gender.
Members of the People’s assembly responded to the remarks of the Minister of Culture about the veil (Al-hijab) with a furious tirade and palpable fury. In contrast, the bloody attacks against the Copts failed to spark their anger, interest or compassion, and the apathy alone says all there is to say.
To sum up,
The lack of an effective social and legal deterrence, the patent absence of a pluralistic societal culture, and the indifference of the executive, legislative and judicial powers have all worked together to create an environment that breed violence against the Copts.
The professional syndicates rush out to help the Muslims in Bosnia and Chechen and raise funds to support the cause of Jihad around the globe, but do nothing to relieve the suffering of their homeland partners who pay their membership fees and share in financing the syndicates.
The Lawyers’ syndicate held a number of seminars in defence of Saddam Hussein, and its attorney took charge of the defence of extremists. The suffering Copts, however, are denied such legal support. The victims of Kafr Demian could not even get hold of the funds that were raised locally and abroad to rebuild the village, and no one knows for certain what became of those funds.
I don’t believe a Dhimmi state would be much different.
Sadly, the institutions and culture of the Egyptian society could not keep citizenship and religion apart, and the Copts live in a condition that is closer than not to the historical Dhimmi status.
The Copts are being persecuted; and Copts everywhere, inside or outside of Egypt, clergymen or laymen, every one of them has a personal obligation to struggle against this oppression, with all possible peaceful and legal means, on the local and international levels. The ones who neglect this duty fail their community, their country, but first and foremost, they fail themselves.
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Magdi Khalil is Executive Director of the Middle East Freedoms Forum.
Magdi.khalil@yahoo.com